Todays Date
May 18, 2022


North Macedonia needs another constitutional glaze for the new European terrain. Another bold definition without national complexes.

writes: Zoran Ivanov


In order not to have any further toil and prolongations of the reform tasks assigned by the Union, let this presidential tirade end successfully and let us learn the lessons. If these elections fail, which is not yet quite certain, the epilogue will lead to early parliamentary and repeated presidential or to a change in the constitution in the section on the election of the country’s president. The thesis which has been forced by certain constitutionalists that the election of a president by MPs in the ruling party will concentrate excessive executive power, is untenable because the parliamentary election of the president will have to take place through a legitimate inter-party compromise that various pre-election unprincipled and politically motivated extortion coalitions cannot provide.

An agreement when electing, as so far all of our presidents have been either party branches or party too independent on their political promoters. In addition, the head of the state will minimize the ethnic majorization that in our circumstances, with the current immediate election model, is inevitable even in due course. Moreover, it will finally open up for now only the declarative institutional possibility of the president of modern Macedonia to be a member of some of the smaller ethnic communities. To be consensual and in the broadest public a dominant person with a distinctive dignity and a necessary equidistance of all political parties and their daily policies. In the international and in the necessary domestic mediary inter-party circumstances to be an authoritative and functional representative of the state.

What is now happening in the presidential election campaign is just another party-based measure of the forces. SDSM to get a president and avoid extraordinary parliamentary elections. In the first round VMRO-DPMNE to win larger number of votes than SDSM and to provoke extraordinary parliamentary elections. The Alliance and Besa to finish DUI with the elections and to take over its two-decade domination with the Albanian electorate. In these elections, these are the motives of the parties and hence, from their headquarters are the topics and definitions of the messages that spring from this campaign.

And while the daily analytics deals mainly with the arsenal of marginal topics from the daily campaign rhetoric, here is something from the depth of the candidate election platforms.

The one of SDSM refers to building a society equally for all. A community of equal opportunities and individual values. The second one, of VMRO-DPMNE, continues to stumble over the dominance of the ethnic majority. The third one, the Alliance and Besa, is the most inventive. It initiates a new need for another systemic novelty. For our circumstances it offers a fairly realistic model that should prevent ethnic electoral supremacy, as now is the case with the existing model that can lead to a prestigious state function. This unequivocally implies constitutional changes in the direction of the election of the president and other high state functions not to depend on the majority ethnic voting will.

Namely, in this campaign, as expected, Stevo Pendarovski is a continuity of SDSM’s integrations and is subordinated to the intensification of these processes, Gordana Siljanovska, as well as her party promoter VMRO-DPMNE, begins the soft launch in the reality and acceptance of the Prespa Agreement and North, the most provocative political theses are promoted by Blerim Reka, the Alliance and Besa’s candidate. The system offers him only a theoretical possibility, but practically does not give him any institutional chance to become president of the state.

For these reasons, following the policies of his ethnic party supporters, he conspires an additional formula that, in any case, will inevitably need to be injected into the Macedonian political system. As it is overseen, the core of its content is the elimination of ethnic majorization evident in the current presidential election model. His election message points to abandoning the government’s thesis on “society for all” and transforming it into a “state for all”.

In an ethnically burdened society, occasional electoral democratic signals that electoral votes are possible regardless of the ethnicity of candidates and voters, it is still far from the sufficiently ethnic to be suppressed by civil election relations. For these reasons, the requirement “society for all” to be institutionalized into a “state for all” is not to be ignored. This implies adding to the Macedonian political system one more, two additional mechanisms that will eliminate any form of ethnic superiority in any election or non-election circumstances.

That is why the thesis of presidential candidate Blerim Reka is worth elaborating. Especially because of the factual ethnic picture of the polling field. According to it, he or any other member of non-majority, in our case of the non-Macedonian ethnic community, is without any prospect of becoming head of state. Because of this objectivity, the constitutional possibility of taking part in presidential elections with a model like the present one is pointless for candidates from minority ethnic groups. For them, the elections are just an opportunity for their parties to place on a political message such as Reka’s of a “state for all” or only for cross-party bargains with citizens’ votes.

The current election campaign has imposed a new topic for the political pragma. In short, the Macedonian political system will soon need a new dose of systemic infusion. Installing another ethnic element in the legal order, which, together with the already established Badinter principle, is in some way a constitutional category now.

After the Prespa Agreement, our state order needs some more civil bricks. Some more developmental views grounded in its state order. New electoral solutions, new state symbols that will eliminate any occurrences of majorizations and ethnic domination. For the new European terrain the Republic of North Macedonia needs some constitutional glaze. Some more bold definition without national complexes.

An institutional solution that will guarantee an equal, ethnically non-conflict and stable Macedonian society.


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