Todays Date
August 21, 2019

WITH A PRESIDENT, BUT WITHOUT A PRESIDENT

The country to set up its president simply, painlessly, without money, without campaigns and party noise, and especially without sowing hatred among citizens. Let the parties in their headquarters and MPs in Parliament rack their brains on this topic.

The policy of divisions is forced for the forthcoming elections, so it is very certain that the country will again get a president but not legitimate for everyone.

 

By Zoran IVANOV

 

Before closing the constitution they opened to implement the obligations of the Prespa Agreement, politicians missed a good opportunity to amend Article 80 and others related to the country’s president. The election to be given to MPs again instead of citizens, as it is now.

Since the first Macedonian President Kiro Gligorov, since his first term received with much political turbulence, since the first plural parliament onwards, all the presidents of the country have been elected in direct elections, in a two-round system: First, the politician Gligorov. In 1994, as an independent candidate, but in fact “SDSM membership card number 1”, in the first round with incredible more than half a million votes he beat the VMRO-DPMNE candidate, director Ljubisa Georgievski.

The campaign was party organized. There was a lot of black money flowing and spent in both electoral headquarters. Mass meetings were organized in all municipalities. Videos were produced, values ​​for their candidate promoted and accusations for the opponent set up. Party battles with gladiatorial additives in style either them or us. Polarization touched every segment of life. From squares and streets to workplaces and homes. Even if there had been a second round, Ljubisa Georgievski would not have beaten Kiro Gligorov, that is for sure. But it was evident that there were irregularities. It was followed by reactions, protests, non-recognition, allegations of electoral fraud. VMRO-DPMNE did not recognize Gligorov as the country’s first person. Macedonia was with a president, but without a president legitimate for everyone.

This is how Macedonian political elites launched the Odyssey for the head of state, with unnecessary noise and pomp, the citizens to elect him. Since then, in not very different circumstances, in identical party campaigns, with a lot of black money, with military mobilizations of party memberships, with grandiose mass meetings, billboards, posters, videos, singers and vulgarization of the political ambient, with divisions of citizens in two fan groups, Macedonian presidential elections have been rolling for two and a half decades But with this, most democratic model, neither have we advanced democracy nor elected a president for all citizens. They mainly pushed their mandate under the notices of their party promoters. In identical election ambiences with a lot of black money, with expensive campaigns of insults, accusations, denunciations, there was Trajkovski, Crvenkovski, Ivanov in two terms.

In 1999, until recently, the little-known politician, current Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs from VMRO-DPMNE, Boris Trajkovski, the second president of independent Macedonia, beat the SDSM candidate Tito Petkovski in the second round. In the first round Petkovski led with even a hundred and something votes. But in the second, in a dramatic turnaround modeled mainly by influential foreign factors because of the then current global and regional interests, Trajkovski as the candidate of the power beat Petkovski. It was evident that there was electoral fraud. It was also quite clear that Trajkovski had to win. Reactions from SDSM were protests, non-recognition, allegations of forgeries and electoral fraud. Citizens divided. The ones joyful and euphoric, the others depressed. This time SDSM did not recognize Trajkovski. Macedonia again with a president, but without a president legitimate for everyone.

The tragedy with the plane crash that killed Trajkovski caused shock, national trauma, and national unity. But everything lasted briefly. Politics drives on and the parties quickly wanted to elect a new president. Competitors charismatic, Prime Minister Branko Crvenkovski, the undisputed leader of SDSM and Sashko Kedev doctor, young but already affiliated cardiologist candidate of VMRO-DPMNE. With free choice of citizens and something with force, Crvenkovski won in the first round. And this time already the traditional post-election setting. Divided both parties and citizens. Now VMRO-DPMNE did not recognize the president. It accused of counterfeits with turnout, with the census. And again Macedonia with a president, but without a president legitimate for everyone.

New elections after five years. The drastic fall in confidence forced the parties to a new tactic. The promotion of non-party candidates still close to their political doctrines. VMRO-DPMNE came out with Gjorge Ivanov, SDSM with Ljubomir Frckovski. Two professors of law. The first won in the second round. In an atmosphere of complete division of society, the expectations of the new president were high. Soon, however, disappointments from him were even higher. Instead of a presidential policy of unity, he pushed the agenda of antagonisms. It was confirmed that Ivanov was only the executor of the directives from the party headquarters. The opposition does not recognize and accept him. Macedonia again with president, but without a president legitimate for everyone.

In 2012, new elections. This time, Gjorge Ivanov again a VMRO-DPMNE candidate against the non-party candidate of SDSM, and in general public the popular professor Stevo Pendarovski. In terms of totalitarian governance of his promoter party, Ivanov won again. Non-authoritative and already with the image of a nationalist, he began his second term disputed by the opposition SDSM. With accusations of great electoral fraud. In addition, this time he was not recognized by DUI as the coalition partner of the government. And again Macedonia with a president, but without a president legitimate for everyone.

That is somehow our presidential electoral history. Well, if the constitutional chance was missed a week ago, it would be a good thing for the first next head of state to go back to the assembly. This model has been tried and successfully implemented by a number of developed Western parliamentary democracies. The country to set up its president simply, painlessly, without money, without campaigns and party noise, and especially without sowing hatred among citizens. Let the parties in their headquarters and MPs in Parliament rack their brains on this topic.

The policy of divisions is forced for the forthcoming elections, so it is very certain that the country will again get a president but not legitimate for everyone.

 

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