Constitutional suit against Veljanoski
Opposition is not returning to the parliament. Such derogation of institutions has been a continuous anti-democratic syndrome of Macedonian democracy in the last two decades. Temporarily or permanently all current parties had their spectacular absence from the legislature. Then they returned with repentance and some ended up with political debacle in the next election. But as a rule governing parties and their leaderships were losers and ended up at the midden of worn and declassed politicians.
Crvenkovski’s privatization remained a burden for him and the then ruling social-democrats, that Georgievski, after the risky boycott from 1994 used to conquer his PM role. His greed amnestied SDSM power. Current leader of VMRO-DPMNE will bear the burden of the disaster in the Euro-Atlantic integrations and the new model of creating kleptocracy fed with excessive budget spending. And that price will have to be paid, without the opposition to be an alibi for wrongly managed policies. But, if mutual connivance of criminal activities continues, history returns as a farce. Therefore Gruevski and Zaev have to go to open stage. For Macedonian Bank not to be a substitute for Globus.
Gruevski’s leadership vanity is emphasized through a majority position, controlled by nothing and no one, least by the parliament and party leaders. Because of it Macedonia has entered a new phase of political and economic drama. Debts are created for a whole next generation. Legislative environment is changing overnight, ministers are not servants of the whole nation, but suitors to provincial logic. Social measures are shaped with a simple formula – give me in order to vote, you won in order to be loyal.
Even without the exclusive and ultimate requirements by Zaev, the government will be forced to realize the Census, because without it no economic-demographic-social policy is valid. Then it is the obligation of the SEC and the Interior Ministry to revise and update the voter list, to restrict the use of budgetary resources in electoral irregularities. The management of MRT should be allowed to be a leader in media democratization and party balance, with equal right to presentation of issues and information on the first channel for the Albanians and on the second ethnic for Macedonians. This is a unique opportunity for the public service, in terms of program unimaginative three pro-government TV channels, filled with turkization, especially with the latest wave of Serbian singers that are no longer liked even in Belgrade. The choice of instigators of government policies is so narrowed, represented through paragraphs of permanently exposed 3-4 younger, but experienced with party changes of camps, which in itself speaks of the collapse of the VMRO-DPMNE policies. The party cannot recruit fresher, more authentic and open-minded experts for media appearances. If no new faces appear, atrophy of the party has started, because there is neither a base, nor incentives for new recruitments.
Reforms knock on Ilindenska Street, with Zaev or without SDSM. The opposition yet needs a party innovation to avoid fragmentation primarily of social democrats. They still play on the fatigue of the material in VMRO, rather than complete (self)promotion. Hence mobilization of dissatisfied with the rule of Gruevski is still based on the cheap and spent rhetoric – when they will announce everything and the PM would collapse himself?!
The Parliament seems poor, empty both democratically and rhetorically. For budgetary policy there is no debate, constitutional amendments are shaped without opponent views. As the opposition is responsible for the EU criticism of the government in Skopje, as there is no provocation in MPs facing, and even the Prime Minister is silent, democratic fervor in Macedonia has been castrated long ago.
As “voice of the people”, ruling MPs continue ruralization of political confrontation with the government. But now those elected see to the village mainly from the balconies of their Skopje dachas. It was predictable that parliamentarians, still without their own political integrity, will promote only their VMRO meetings in the center of the village. What parliamentary burlesque with oppositionists? One was worried of her doctor’s flu in Prilep where there are patients, but no doctors, operators, equipment and heating. Other one, barred from SDSM, in confusion before selecting the questions, decided for the “most important” one – when will members of the electoral lists be paid the compensation? Prime Minister was ashamed of them and with his charm – I am not from here and for here – avoided to respond about the negotiations with the opposition. And he should do that, let it walk its 5000 teams.
There is no one to ask for the official position why environmental crisis will be resolved with odd-even rationing after the government allowed import of at least 60 thousand rubble vehicles from Bulgarian-European markets and brought domestic dealers to a series of bankruptcies. Or, why is not Jugohrom closed? Whether due to pressure from Moscow or losing the election in that region? Or, how come suddenly all future announced investments increased for hundreds of millions of Euros, when for the same number of jobs created by foreigners 5-25 million Euros were spent? Why has not the idea been realized for a free market for electricity imports? Whose monopoly is kept or is it compensation for the coalition partner…?
Institutions’ anomy is complete. From inside Macedonia is more raging. It is the lack of rules for social regulation. Then follows a crisis of morality, institutions fall apart, social values are not complementary with some adopted international standards and customary laws. French sociologist Emile Durheim writes:
“Anomy is shortage or suspension and inefficiency of social norms, regulations, laws, and values that contribute to destabilization and disorganization of society and the state. The state of anomy comes in transition societies, when people are disoriented in the requirements of bearable forms of behavior. Former norms do not apply, new are not respected”.
In Macedonia parliamentary democracy is suspended and privatized. In the legislature there are MPs, but no speakers. And those who have been trained for these eight years have no provocation to face. Who with and what for? The Parliament is a corrective controller of the executive power. Only in states with debilitating democracy 30 percent of the laws and amendments can be passed by a short procedure, and over a hundred laws can be passed in “one day”?
The speaker is an extended arm of the Prime Minister. He does not allow a bad word onto his personality, at the cost to manipulate with the Rules of Procedure and the Constitution. He should have shown the concerns about the political crisis when he let the parliament be a battleground against opposition and journalists. It has been a long ago since Veljanovski was supposed to verify the resignations of abstainers. Immediately and irrevocably. If he continues to avoid the decision then the Speaker will face the first constitutional complaint after the adoption of the amendments.
“A constitutional complaint is submitted by a physical or legal person, filed against an individual act or action…the bearer of public powers which violates the rights and freedoms of people and citizens…”
There is no greater violation of individual free choice and will of the citizens (MPs) in tactics to adopt the written resignations of the opposition. But then they will rule with no respect for those who think different from them. No broader derogation for the freedom of attitude and opinion.
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